Ukrainian President Proud of First 100 Days in Office

"One Hundred Days After Maydan" TV Documentary
UT1, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1635 gmt 4 May 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English, Wed, May 4, 2005
courtesy of the Action Ukraine Report

KIEV - Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko has said he is proud of his
first 100 days in office. Speaking in a TV documentary, Yushchenko praised
successes in the international arena and said that Russia should stop
viewing Ukraine as "a vassal and a province".

Speaking about controversial amendments to the constitution approved in
late 2004, Yushchenko said he "would not be very surprised" by possible
moves to annul some of them. He also admitted that some of his
appointments were misguided.

The following is an excerpt from the documentary entitled "One hundred
days after Maydan" broadcast by Ukrainian state-owned television UT1
on 4 May; subheadings have been inserted editorially:

[Yushchenko, speaking in his office] As long as there are people out there,
I will go out to them. I remember what we said at Maydan [Independence
Square in Kiev, the focal point of the Orange Revolution] and what we
promised. This is the sort of communication which always gives you an idea
of where you should be.  [Passage omitted: clips of Yushchenko talking to
crowds of protesters, speaking about his openness to the public, describing
his office]

Of course, I was not aware of many things. Back when I was prime minister
in 2000-2001, there was a lot I did not know about what was going on in the
government system, particularly in relations between the uniformed
ministries. Not because I did not want to know, but because the prime
minister did not have access to this sort of knowledge or information. I am
discovering bits which give me great knowledge, on the one hand, as well
as great worry and responsibility.

Several things that have been going on in the past three or four years are
horrible. We are working to reduce the risk of destroying or damaging
Ukraine's reputation, starting from the security theme. A lot of things have
been sold, in the literal and figurative sense, to devalue the independence
and the defence capability of this country.

Even judging from things that are well known to the average citizen, like
those missiles [reportedly sold to Iran and China]. How could missiles
have been stolen in Ukraine, where there is a full-fledged security service,
counter intelligence and a special closed state body, Ukrspetseksport
[arms exporter]?

We cannot live in peace until we tell the truth to the world and to
ourselves. Particularly because all this happened in these offices. This is
it. More details emerge every day about who played which role. [Passage
omitted: defeated presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovych, his wife,
former Kharkiv governor Yevhen Kushnaryov, Donetsk Region council
Borys Kolesnykov, former President Leonid Kuchma speak against
Yushchenko's supporters and in favour of an autonomy in eastern Ukraine,
Yushchenko shown handing out symbolic bread to supporters, saying that
he misses his late mother.]

CALLS FOR ETHNIC TOLERANCE

Do you know why I feel comfortable in any region? I do not take any
projects with me for which I would be ashamed, be it language, church
or history issues. I am ready to declare my position on these issues
publicly and honestly. On language problems - friends, we will speak
not only Ukrainian or Russian, but a couple dozen other languages too.

This is the way it is going to be. Let us put an end to discussions about
what we should learn, Ukrainian or Russian. If we want to live in the third
millennium, let us learn Ukrainian quickly, because we live in Ukraine.

Let those who need it, quickly learn Russian, because we have unique
old traditions - I'm not saying they are good or bad, I'm just stating the
fact - deep, family, ethnic, Slavic, etc., traditions. This obliges us to
speak and respect the Russian language. I am convinced that we, not
Russians, will benefit if we know the Russian language and literature.
[Passage omitted: more on tolerance, veterans who fought for opposing
sides in World War II should reconcile]

RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA CHANGED

I am ready to set aside all private and personal problems, let them recede
into the past. The most important thing is that the Ukrainian nation
benefits. This is the point. If something benefits Ukraine, I am ready to
turn over something from my history or my troubles and say, you know,
I am ready to forgive this. This is not so important to me in the context of
Ukraine's interests.

[Video shows Yushchenko's meeting with Russian President Putin.]

I understand that for very many generations of Russian politicians -
especially politicians, not for the people of Russia or business people, but
for this cohort at the top political establishment - for a long time to come
they will see Ukraine as a vassal and a province. However, I am sure that
the trends in the highest echelons show that sober-minded politicians
have to get used to absolutely different principles of relations and to a
different model of relations, including at a personal level.

I'd say these sort of relations are much more pleasant and more interesting
than having as a partner someone who is suppressed and lacking in
initiative, and never has a position of his own. This sort of partner will
never bring stability. Why was our policy towards Russia in the last
eight-10 years a losing one? We approached the EU four or five times, but
then ran over to Russia. We sowed the seeds after which serious Russian
politicians cannot view Ukraine as a stable partner.

The same goes for Brussels, by the way. I do not think that the Ukrainian
authorities or the Ukrainian president were able to formulate a well-defined
and stable interest backed by the Ukrainian polity, in terms of a policy
towards either Brussels or Russia. We should not be making a secret of
our specific interest in Russia. It is being formed by specific political
efforts. I will do everything so that we win, not lose, this interest. But I
do understand that we will win this interest only when Russia wins as much
from us on a parity basis.

We are interested in integration with Russia because Ukraine's economic
interests, which are worth billions, are formed on the Russian market. It
would be a great stupidity to give them up. On the other hand, what is the
price? On the basis of which principles? We have said the following. Point
number one - this should be in line with Ukraine's economic interests. We
are not playing with political projects here. We are not mixing politics
with this.

Why did I vote against the Single Economic Space [a Moscow-backed union
involving Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan]? When the issue was
debated in the Ukrainian parliament, [First Deputy Prime Minister] Mykola
Yanovych Azarov did not give a single figure showing where Ukraine's or
Russia's benefits lie, this is where we win, and here we are on parity
basis. In other words, Ukraine needs this project. These arguments were
not presented. We voted against.

However, we are not withdrawing from the [Single Economic Space] treaty.
We are saying that we will support any format for consolidation of interests
or their formalization at the level of bilateral or multilateral accords.
The most important thing is that these principles do not run counter to the
principles on whose basis we are going to build our relations with the
European Union. We should not implement two contradictory models for
Ukrainian interests.

Ukraine has a unique strategic interest in the East, and we will continue
moving along this path regardless of who is president in this country. We
have a unique interest in the West, and we will continue moving along this
path regardless of who is president in this country. Parliament voted by an
overwhelming majority of votes in favour of the EU, NATO and the Single
Economic Space. These are the things where we should introduce a new
art of Ukrainian foreign policy so that we win on each of these fronts.

At my first meeting with Mr Putin I said, please accept this as a position
with which I will live, I will not change it. We walked on very thin ice.

BORDER, BLACK SEA FLEET ISSUES WITH RUSSIA
NEED TO BE RESOLVED

The topic of the border between Ukraine and Russia. The two states have
been independent for 14 years. As long as there is the issue of delimitation
and demarcation of our borders, of recognizing the border in the Kerch
Strait and the Azov Sea [changes tack] if we respect the spirit and the
letter of the big agreement. We noted this in the 2005 road map, that
the two president devote their activities in this field to a full resolution
of these issues.

Another topic is the Black Sea Fleet [of Russia, stationed in Ukraine's
Crimea]. I am convinced that any foreign military presence on Ukraine's
territory is a project which can be implemented exclusively if approved by
the people. There is history behind this issue. There is an agreement
which says that the current military contingent will temporarily be based in
Ukraine until 2017. We proceed from the fact that this accord is a
commitment undertaken by the Ukrainian side. It needs to be confirmed,
and we do confirm it.

But if the current state of affairs is at odds with the framework of this
accord, let us analyse it and say the following. Not all navigation
[equipment] in Crimea has been handed over to Ukraine. Is this correct in
our relations? Of course not. Seventy land plots are misused and have not
been handed over to Russia. Is this correct in our relations? Of course not.
Over 170 pieces of real estate are misused. I am glad that, you know, we
have agreed that the Ukrainian National Security and Defence Council and
Russia's Security Council will tackle these sensitive issues and suggest
ways of solving them to the presidents in three months' time.

SUCCESS ON INTERNATIONAL SCENE

[Passage omitted: clip of Yushchenko addressing US congress,
Yushchenko says it is "fashionable" to have ties with Ukraine.]

In the USA, we reached the figure of 500m [dollars in aid], but this is a
revolving regime which will not end at 500m. The dialogue in the USA
produced things like, well, such a dear name to Ukraine as Sikorsky and
his [helicopter] firm coming back to Ukraine and building a helicopter
factory. Reviving the memory of Igor Sikorsky in the 1920s-30s [when
he was based in Kiev] - I think this was a glorious era.

Talks with Boeing's top managers were successful. The company is
coming back to the Ukrainian market in terms of aircraft construction. There
is a special missile construction project. We want Ukraine to have a firm
place among the world's top 10 aircraft manufacturing countries. But if
we sell 20 machines a year, the way it is now, believe me, it is stagnation
which sooner or later will see us thrown out of the market.

[Video of German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder welcoming Yushchenko
in Germany]

I remember how we agreed in Germany about the whole complex of geology,
exploration, extraction, reconstruction, modernization and construction of
new gas, oil and electric power lines. When we received a 2bn [dollar]
credit line, this is about as much as had been achieved in the previous five
years. We achieved this in two months. I think that each visit brings in at
least 1bn dollars.

And then, friends, there is a different point. We are talking about
Ukraine's political capital. Tell me please, when was Ukraine received in
Germany, the USA or Brussels? A visit to France will take place in two-
three weeks. When was Ukraine last received in France? There was even
no Ukrainian ambassador there for three years.

Ukraine was seen as a source of problems for Europe, for morals, etc.
This is what brings Ukraine strategic dividends. Therefore, I think that the
breakthroughs we have achieved in Western Europe, America [changes
tack] We are now putting an emphasis on Central Asian countries. Trips
will be made to Kazakhstan.

[Passage omitted: Yushchenko says that Ukraine loses millions because
of the conflict in Moldova's separatist region, that the strong hryvnya
should be applauded, that the investigation of the case of murdered
journalist Heorhiy Gongadze will be completed.]

SOME APPOINTMENTS A "MISTAKE"

In these 60 [as heard] days, we had to change the essence of what is
called the new staffing policy. I do not rule out the possibility that
mistakes have been made there, including in the highest echelon. I
appointed [Oleksandr] Tretyakov [who is shown sitting next to Yushchenko]
my first aide anyway. I will say honestly that I should not have signed some
[appointments]. But it depends on how you look at it. You know, a total of
16,000 appointments at various levels have been approved in the past
two months.

Look, when did Ukraine's top leadership tackle this issue in the past 14
years? Never. When we made a mistake [changes tack] On several
occasions, I had to correct the actions by the prime minister [Yuliya
Tymoshenko], several ministers and regional governors. Well, sorry,
the wrong person was appointed to the post. We made a mistake. What
should we do? I come to those people and say sorry. This afternoon, I
will sign a new decree on an appointment.

For instance, this is what we did about the head of the Dnipropetrovsk
regional administration [Serhiy Kasyanov, who was dismissed a month
after being appointed following mass protests against him.] This was a
mistake.

However, rather senior figures advocated his appointment, including
justifying it by political expediency. But it was a mistake. Despite
criticism, I do not think we lost anything by dismissing this person days
later. I think this showed that if the prime minister or a minister or the
president make a mistake, they are ready to correct it.

[Passage omitted: Yushchenko tells Tretyakov to leave the room after
he told the president that interview time was running out, praises the
cabinet members, Finance Minister Viktor Pynzenyk and Economics
Minister Serhiy Teryokhin.]

OFFICIAL SHOULD NOT CRITICIZE EACH OTHER IN PUBLIC

I know you can engage in polemics with these people, but on one
condition - that the polemics are intellectual. I am not in favour of this
sort of public discussion, because it devalues my friends and partners,
both [National Security and Defence Council Secretary Petro] Poroshenko
and Tymoshenko [seen by many as rivals]. I am sure of this. This is a
defect in upbringing, a lack of political experience or anything.

This should not be done in public. This is the first thing. They are two
able and talented individuals. I would not like to make an emphasis on any
peculiarities of relations between them. The National Security and Defence
Council secretary has a huge field of his own to look after. Go on, apply
yourself. The prime minister has a no smaller field to look after.

I think all these problems should be solved behind closed doors. I do
everything so that scandals within the government and outside of it, in
relations between other institutions, are solved at National Security and
Defence Council meetings or at cabinet meetings held behind closed
doors.

Each minister has the right to behave in a special way and to have a
personal view of various issues. This is looking at it from the professional
point of view. In terms of politics, this person can favour this or that
view. But if cabinet members, ministers, criticize each other for their
views - I do not think this is acceptable in one team.

I will not allow this to happen. This is a formative period. I told this to
my colleagues at a meeting behind closed doors. These tricks and shows
only degrade our common authority. If there are differences and you want
to be critical, tender your resignation to the president, go to Bankova
Street [where the presidential secretariat is located] and shout there from
morning till night that you disagree with the policy pursued by Yushchenko,
Tymoshenko, Poroshenko and all the others. [Passage omitted: more
in the same vein]

CONSTITUTION AMENDMENTS CRITICIZED

How was political reform [controversial constitutional amendments handing
over much of the presidential powers over to the cabinet and parliament]
approved? How many members of the public know at least one article put to
the vote? Very few. It was put to vote as a package, including many things
the nation was not aware of. I am sure this is a second step which is not
correct with regard to the position of 48m people.

Let us not say that there are 450 wise people in parliament, who can trade
in the nation's fate from morning till night. This is a different matter.
As regards the constitution, I would like to say the following - human
rights should not be treated like this. If we respect the nation and its
basic law, the law should not be treated like this. Therefore, this process
is questionable in legal terms.

Third, its contents. Tell me please, is it possible to admit even within our
circle that the imperative mandate [banning MPs from swapping factions]
is a good thing? You can't have a position of your own within a faction. If
you are a politician, you function is to hold debates, voice your political
point of view through political networks, projects and parliament's
legislative decisions. But you're told that, listen, you have to give up
your point of view. What your boss says is the only thing that is right.

Tell me please, who is going to support this sort of contents? Or who
wants the Prosecutor-General's Office to retain the function of general
supervision? Why should we need 1936-37 [years of Stalin's fiercest
repression]? Is this sort of experience present in Ukraine? [Passage
omitted: more in the same vein]

I do not rule out the possibility that concerns and opinions voiced [at a
meeting of representatives of local government] at Ukrayina Palace a few
days ago about the electoral system - especially at the level of village,
district or regional councils - that they will take the form of someone's
initiative. I do not rule out the possibility that the initiatives dealing
with the imperative mandate or general supervision by the
Prosecutor-General's Office will take the shape of a strict political
initiative which will be submitted to the Constitutional Court for
consideration.

I do not rule out the possibility that several lawyers will turn up who will
have something to say about the very procedure of amending the
constitution, that our constitution was treated not entirely correctly. In
other words, I would only like to say that I definitely will not initiate
these things, so as to keep the public order. But I will not be very
surprised if these initiatives are put forward by political forces.
[Passage omitted: The president, the prime minister and
parliamentary speaker will remain key figures.]

YUSHCHENKO PROUD OF HIS FIRST 100 DAYS IN OFFICE

I am proud of these 100 days, I really am. I think my team and I have
done something that allows me not to look down or aside if before me is
a mother, a teacher, a doctor, an invalid, a child, a pensioner, a soldier,
an officer, anyone. I think the nation is convinced that in these 90 [as
heard] days we have not betrayed Maydan, we have not betrayed any
of our words. We are trying to do what we promised, and we are
successful.

Each Ukrainian will feel this with his pocket and his standard of living in
2005. This is my word. There is no doubt that we will retain economic
stability, we will do all this. But, on the other hand, there are beacons
which make you move on forward. This is not the limit.

Of course, I would like to see Ukraine in the EU. I am a European, the
same as those 48m Ukrainians. I am not someone who is going to try
and convince anyone that we are Europeans. This is an axiom for me
and my nation. [Passage omitted: Yushchenko says democracy has
strong roots in Ukraine.]