Tymoshenko and Yushchenko's Loudest Confrontation Yet: Privatization

It used to be that Yushchenko would send uncountable directives over to Tymoshenko and she would blithely ignore most of them and work towards her own purposes while saying she "admires" the president. He would veto what she did, issue a new directive, and the process would start again.

Recently, things have degenerated.

The major sticking point is Tymoshenko's extensive privatization plan, the proceeds from which she intends to use mostly for government remunerations (or handouts) to holders of Soviet bank accounts made worthless in the aftermath of the fall of the Soviet Union. Yushchenko considers this an irresponsible use of the money, and accuses her of privatizing into the hands of her allies--the claim made by pretty much every party against a privatization by one of its opponents.

So, for example, since State Property Fund Chairwoman Valentyna Semenyuk has been one of the main agents blocking Tymoshenko's privatizations, Tymoshenko kicked her out and installed her own chairman, Andriy Portnov. Yushchenko reinstated Semenyuk, cancelled the privatizations, and issued a "yellow card" warning to Tymoshenko's government. The Constitutional Court overturned his decision, and Tymoshenko told Portnov to ignore it. Along a parallel track, the privatization of, for example the Odesa Pre-Port Plant has been ordered, suspended, ordered again, and again suspended. The Eurasia Daily Monitor has a summary of all the tit-for-tat.

In retaliation, it seems, BYT lined up with the Party of Regions and Tymoshenko said she supports a vote to decrease the President's power in favor of the Parliament (and she's been taking on a number of advisors from the defunct and unmourned SDPU(o) of Viktor Medvedchuk, though this may not be a retaliatory gesture as much as a tactical one). However, when Yushchenko saw that he lacked the support of the Constitutional Court and the Parliament, he backed down. His statement is a classic one of a politician accidentally saying the truth:

Let us not put to question which organization [of power] we need, but focus on the task of achieving, through dialogue, through the work of public commission, through public referendum, a system of counterweights which would ensure serene future for us and our children.

Exactly. Now why have you been wasting your time on this issue practically since you got into office?

Not that Tymoshenko or Yanukovych are any less to blame. The last link goes to an article in Dzerkalo Tizhnya: it's wordy, but overall a great article. The line that pretty much sums everything up:

Each of the three top Ukrainian political players more or less realize the need of the reforms, but all explain their slackness by the following logic: “Now preparations for the decisive battle are going on. What is of critical importance now is to garner as much resources and voter support as possible. It is imperative that sufficient financial, media and electoral reserves be built up. I will begin attending to the country’s salvation and development once I take the country’s top office for a long enough period”. The result is that Tymoshenko and Yushchenko are competing in populism, while Yanukovych, in the absence of State resource, is busy with NATO and language-related issues. This provides an explanation as to why we keep making the same mistake, which is because we make no headway. A country cannot move ahead unless and until the main state and public challenges are correctly identified and begun to be dealt with. Purely personal and corporate interests of policy makers cannot provide enough progress to drive us away from the same old mistake.

Speaking of wasting their time on political games while gas and inflation crises loom...

The Kyiv Mayoral Election vs. Macroeconomics

Taras Kuzio, writing in the Eurasia Daily Monitor, thinks BYT's candidate in the Kyiv mayoral election, Turchynov, will be able to get past Klitchko and Chernovetsky, citing corruption charges against both of the latter. I still fail to see how Turchynov is going avoid similar charges sufficiently to overcome the huge gap in public support between himself and the main contenders--particularly since there will be no runoff. Not that we should want Chernovetsky to win (which recent polls think he might, using the same tactics as last year).

This mayoral election is the biggest distraction from the two main problems for Ukraine, both of which are economic: inflation and fuel price hikes. 

While Tymoshenko was certainly overstating things when she said her government was getting the highest appreciation in the world and holding inflation policy unchanged will be enough, it is true that she was praised by the WTO.
The IMF was more moderate in its praise. In this report it did not actively argue against her privatization plan, but it definitely suggested holding back at least some of the money thus earned to promote a more balanced budget (meaning less going to Tymoshenko's handouts). Another one of its main points is that the hryvnia should be allowed to float against the dollar (meaning appreciate, in the current economic climate). According to the Ukrainian Journal, the NBU seems interested and Tymoshenko has reigned in her criticism of the bank on at least this issue. The WTO and IMF both make the situation with inflation seem less dire than Dzerkalo Tizhnya seems to think it is, but DzT bases more of its assessment on an expected massive fuel price hike from Russia (something I also think is imminent, and the IMF notes as a potentially major problem).

Two More Good Items 

One alternative to politics-watching is this entry on Ukrainiana about Chernobyl. It includes Taras's own story from living (six years old) in Kyiv at the time. It also is heavily laden with YouTube videos related to the event.

Another wonderful and unrelated article by John Marone at Eurasia Home praises the introduction of national standardized university examinations. One step forward for transparency, one step backward for corruption.