Zerkalo Nedeli is Awesome
Great crop of English articles from Zerkalo Nedeli this Monday.
First is "Perpetual Vote", which is probably the best analysis of the political opportunities and threats ahead of Yushchenko in the upcoming year that I have read, including Taras Kuzio's stuff.
Second is "Mahatma Yushchenko and Russia", which is a riff on why Yushchenko's reconciliation overtures to Russia are good. (the overtures being just part of what I like to call Yushchenko's bid for "Classiest Man on Earth", along with his stern resolve not to bicker about the fact that administration supporters tried to kill him)
Third is "The Presidential Administration Consultation", is an interview with the witness who provided the Supreme Court with the "irrefutable evidence" that the Yanukovcyh's team rigged the election.
There's also an article on the Constitutional Court decision, but that decision was made on Saturday morning, so it's mostly just a refresher on what the case involved.

Reader Comments (1)
The "official" figures currently prepared by the CEC will show that the
> > margin of victory was relatively narrow, 52 to 44, and geographically
> > worrisome, with nine provinces east of the
> > Vinnytsia-Kirovohrad-Poltava-Sumy line allegedly voting for the bandits.
> > With the conclusion that Yushch should "compromise", "unify the country"
> > etc etc "not go too fast" and the like.=== That is bunkum. Yushch's
> > statistician Hrytsenko has contended that the real margin of victory was
> > that of the exit polls, with a 5% "falsification" factor. In my opinion the
> > 5% is too low an estimate. I have done some preliminary analyses of the
> > results by polling stations as reported by the CEC and can see some pretty
> > interesting evidence for massive fraud (even in the third round!). I'm not
> > sure what the real figure of the vote for Yushenko was, but I'd be willing
> > to bet sound money that it was considerably more than 60%. What made these
> > major falsifications possible is simple incompetence on the part of
> > Yushchenko's campaign staffers. They tended to concentrate their resources
> > on the major cities of the Southeast, and left most of the countryside
> > either unattended or poorly organized. Even though the representation of
> > the two candidates was supposed to be equal at the polling station level, a
> > very large number of so-called "Yushchenko reps" were in fact Yanuk people
> > (!!) and did what they did. And many actual Yushchenko reps were it seems
> > easy to fool. Take the results in the Odesa Province. The population of the
> > northern portion is faitly homogeneously Ukrainian speaking, and a natural
> > continuation of the Vinnytsia settlements. But if you examine the voting
> > results you get an extraordinarily schizophrenic picture. It's not simply
> > that immediately past the Vinnytsia border you start getting big Yanuk
> > majorities where there are no objective reasons for this. It's the nature
> > of the distribution that is suspicious. In the Balta-Ananijiv-Ivanivka
> > area, rural and small city as it is, Yushchenko captured majorities in 124
> > stations, and Yanuk in 385. I don't find it believable that adjoining
> > stations should give a 70% result for Yushchenko and then a 70% result for
> > Yanuk (in the same homogeneous little city?!), and that the whole area is
> > chequerboarded in this way. What this suggests is simply that in those
> > places where Yanuk got big figures you had the "right people" counting the
> > votes, Stalin style. The same situation can be observed in the northern
> > portion of Mykolaiv Province: in the Bashtanka-Pervomajsk-Voznesensk area,
> > a continuation of the Kirovohrad settlement pattern, you get the same
> > schizophrenic results: 92 polling stations are for Yushch (sometimes with
> > very big majorities) and 515 are for Yanuk. Again the whole thing is
> > chequerboarded, as in Odesa. The same process is observable in the western
> > portion of Kharkiv Province. In Dnipropetrovsk on the other hand, you have
> > a different "approach": in the rural and small city complexes not one
> > polling station has been won by Yushch (whereas he won over a dozen in
> > Dnipropetrovsk city itself!), and everywhere you have relatively narrow
> > "wins" for Yanuk, sometimes by only five or six votes. No chequerboard
> > here: just this obviously contrived "continuity". Kherson is less obvious,
> > the monitoring situation was better here.=== Even in the Donbas Provinces
> > you have oddities: The "official" results give Yushch 4% in Donetsk and
> > over 6% in Luhansk. And these low figures are everywhere noticeable. Then
> > you get "anomalies". In the Donetsk Artemivsk district (territorial
> > electoral commission n.84) you suddenly get polling stations which give
> > Yushch 31%, 20%, 27%. It's as if someone were sending a message... Same
> > oddity in Luhansk Province. In a series of polling stations (14 in all)
> > from districts 114 and 115, practically on the Russian border, you have
> > stations that give Yushchenko 25%, 26%, and even 40% (twice!!) It's not
> > just explainable by the fact that this northern part of the Province is
> > less industrialized and less Russified (everywhere else in that area you
> > get the usual "6%". So this too is a kind of message.===So Ukraine is far
> > less "divided" and the bandit share of the vote far less important than the
> > "official" results. This should be kept in mind when planning strategy.
> >